Introduction:
In December and January of 1998/99, La Familia Sana conducted a survey of 231 individuals in Hood River and Wasco Counties, who identified themselves as Hispanic. Interviews were conducted face-to-face, albeit anonymously, at farm labor camps, housing complexes, and other sites known to have large concentrations of Hispanics. Thirty-three questions were asked, providing information on demographics, tobacco use, attitudes, and beliefs of the respondents. Although our sample size was relatively small (231), resulting in a margin of error of ±5%, we believe the survey was successful in providing potentially significant insights into tobacco and the Hispanic community.
Statistics at a glance:
Discussion:
The results tend to confirm national estimates that something around 20% of Hispanics smoke, with a great disparity of gender. It did not seem to matter significantly if the respondent was married or a migrant, but twice as many persons smoked who did not have kids in the house compared to those who did. Combined with a research study out of San Francisco, the latter finding would suggest that appealing to the dangers of second-hand smoke on children would be a fruitful motivating factor.
In terms of second-hand smoke, of those who do smoke, 27% admitted to smoking in the house, 22% in the car, but only 14% in front of children. The apparent inconsistency between those who smoke in the house and those who smoke in front of children might be further investigated, but one explanation could be that a greater percentage of those who smoke in the house are not currently living with children (as is the case with many migrant workers).
Coupled with the fact that only 8% of smokers indicated they smoke within 30 minutes of awakening, and only 30% of smokers indicated they smoke every day, the figures on smoking with friends, co-workers and on the job might lead one to conclude that smoking in the local Hispanic community at this time is less addictive than social. The most significant coefficients of smoking were while drinking alcohol (35%) and when under stress (27%).
Of the 231 respondents, 37 indicated they smoke; only one admitted to using chewing tobacco. Another 29 non-smokers (of which 3/4 are female) indicated that they live with a smoker. This means that smoking directly affects 30% of all respondents (plus their children) and would indicate that second-hand smoke is as significant a public health issue in the Hispanic community as is direct smoking. The impact of second hand smoke falls almost entirely on female spouses and children, which could be significant in deciding where to put resources. What is most notable here is that 81% of smokers said they would be willing to modify their smoking if they thought their children or younger siblings were being harmed by it. This is a surmountable public education issue, and would appear to be a fruitful area in which to put resources.
As to attitudes, it is interesting that while 88% of smokers believe that smoking causes cancer and heart disease in smokers, and 94% believe that second hand smoke is dangerous for others, 81% believe they could easily quit. When compared with the 60% who said they wanted to quit, and the 32% who asked for help to quit, the question arises, why don't they quit? The survey provides no answer for that. One might conclude that either smoking is more addictive in the Hispanic community than our respondents would admit, or the belief in the harm of smoking is not very deep. If the latter is the case, then we must look for ways to convey the message at a gut level rather than a mental one.
In summary, it appears that second-hand smoke should be the major focus of prevention and cessation efforts in the Hispanic community. Major efforts should be undertaken to demonstrate the seriousness of the effects of second-hand smoke, and to use the resulting level of understanding as a major motivator to achieve changes in behavior.